TSVANGIRAI`S SEXUAL APPETITE DESTROYED HIM POLITICALLY

To what extent therefore is PM Tsvangirai a victim of conspiracy?  When one goes through the rules of procedure and evidence, as played by the National Public Media , it is clear that an invisible hand is prevalent. There is a relentless campaign to frustrate PM Tsvangirai's political aspirations of becoming the next President of Zimbabwe. Issues of ‘bigamy', ‘perjury', ‘maintenance' and now ‘trespassing' are being raised from time to time in order to humiliate the leader of the MDC-T.  The court is now home to local organisational politics expressed through numerous personal rivalries.  The invisible hand is attempting to neutralise PM Tsvangirai as a key opponent to the incumbent Zimbabwe President by manipulating the course of events in order to suit certain desired outcomes. There seems to be an attempt by the invisible hand through the legal practice and the national public media to de-legitimise PM Tsvangirai's leadership.  This de-legitimisation has its original inscription in the articles of customary law and is reiterated in the courtroom and the media day upon day. The above views constitute a form of psychological manipulation in which PM Tsvangirai's sexual escapades are drip-fed into the minds of the general population. In this regard, it can be safely argued there exists political machinations behind PM Tsvangirai's murky affairs.


If PM Tsvangirai is a victim of conspiracy, he is also a victim of circumstance.  There can be no doubt that PM Tsvangirai's sexual appetites have played into the hands of the invisible hand, the media and the legal profession. His social behaviour has been a fertile ground for a number of opinion-makers of all sorts since the death of his wife in 2009. At a personal level, PM Tsvangirai seems also to be a victim of his misjudgement sexually, politically and psychologically. However, having observed the above scenario, is PM Tsvangirai now damaged goods as some commentators have suggested? Has the MDC-T suffered politically as a result of the PM's saga? The answers to these questions must be explained in terms of the political culture existing in Zimbabwe. 


PM Tsvangirai has been affected by the events surrounding his social behaviour. The MDC-T has been dented. But by African political standards, the Zimbabwe electorate shall judge the MDC-T not by what the leader stands for sexually but by what the party's policies are that are likely to bring about political change into the country. Rarely do sex scandals have an impact on political activity in Africa. The President Jacob Zuma experience is one such example. There are many more within Zimbabwe itself. Obviously, PM Tsvangirai must start to act like a political adult. There is need for him to come back on track and repair the dent on the party.  Collective identity is much more important than the identity of the leader, though the two are intimately linked.  The MDC-T must realise how far it has progressed and for all the disappointments over the behaviour of its leader, the party must grasp how high the stakes for political change have soared.


 The less entertaining truth is that a movement cherishing to be a party of government must get used to setbacks.  However, the past is gone and is not coming back. PM Tsvangirai is now with  Macheka and hopefully he can live happily ever after with her in dignity and plausibility. PM Tsvangirai, however, should not forget how to behave because what one says and does is scrutinised and taken seriously. Finally, whatever might be said of PM Tsvangirai and his problems, there is little doubt that some of these difficulties are as a result of a mixture of circumstance, conspiracy and political machinations.  In essence, it is not about PM Tsvangirai, it is about the MDC-T he leads.  Tsvangirai and his MDC-T may not be perfect but at least they are keeping an eye on ZANU-PF.

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