LOOKING INTO THE FUTURE OF ZIMBABWE
There are number of clear actions that must be taken to re-build Zimbabwe. It entails simultaneous pursuit of twin goals of decoloniality and democratisation. This future direction must build on what is already underway.
The experience of inclusive government must be used to deepen confidence among Harare political disputants. They must work from the perspective that they are political opponents not enemies. They must wake up to the reality that the liberation struggle was partly aimed at enabling Zimbabweans to actively participate in the politics of their country through forming political parties and exercising the right to vote that was denied under settler colonialism. Men and women sacrificed lives for this right to vote and it must not be denied to Zimbabweans once more.
What must be transcended is both puppetry and tyranny informed by misconceptions neo-liberalism and neo-nationalism respectively. The three years of the existence of inclusive government must not be down-played; instead important lessons must be drawn to enable correction of ideological mistakes and misconstrued perceptions of politics by both Zanu PF and MDC formations that landed Zimbabwe in an unprecedented crisis that opened flood-gates for easy external infiltration.
As part of furthering the pursuit of decoloniality, Zimbabwe must be re-imagined beyond the confines of Westphalian and Berlin Consensus discourses of centralized states that were imposed by force on society ala the colonial state. Zimbabwe is ripe to enter a genuine decoloniality route that involves a deliberate the drive towards devolution of power as an opportunity to re-model inherited colonial power structures and governance structures that do not enable Zimbabwe space to fully govern themselves at the local level.
Zimbabwe is as great country that must be ashamed on continuing colonial ways of governing its people. The constitution-making was a great missed opportunity where Zimbabweans could have genuinely embarked on state reconstitution and thorough decolonisation of this inherited political formation. Devolution of power is just but a beginning of a journey towards resolution of the national question involving further decolonization the state; indigenization of power and further democratisation of practices and styles of governance.
While what COPAC has put together into draft constitution might not be what was expected by some constituencies among us, the referendum must be allowed to go ahead to bring this constitution-making to an end. What the leaders must ensure during the referendum is zero-tolerance for violence. The referendum will be a test-case for the level of preparedness of Zimbabwe for national elections next year.
Everything is possible for Zimbabwe if our present leaders genuinely seek to soft land this great nation. The courage that propelled Zimbabweans to fight the liberation struggle must now be deployed to democratise the state, socialise power and this can be done if we dedicate our collective efforts to face our history, seek truth, accountability, forgiveness, reconciliation, and healing.
Our violent past has become hindrance to political progress and this cannot be allowed to remain like this before it compromises the future of the next generation. It is possible to transcend our ugly past, only if we commit ourselves to openness about the wrongs we have done. Such priceless gestures as apologies work wonders for those committed to build nations comprised of various people of different ethnic and racial backgrounds.
The experience of inclusive government must be used to deepen confidence among Harare political disputants. They must work from the perspective that they are political opponents not enemies. They must wake up to the reality that the liberation struggle was partly aimed at enabling Zimbabweans to actively participate in the politics of their country through forming political parties and exercising the right to vote that was denied under settler colonialism. Men and women sacrificed lives for this right to vote and it must not be denied to Zimbabweans once more.
What must be transcended is both puppetry and tyranny informed by misconceptions neo-liberalism and neo-nationalism respectively. The three years of the existence of inclusive government must not be down-played; instead important lessons must be drawn to enable correction of ideological mistakes and misconstrued perceptions of politics by both Zanu PF and MDC formations that landed Zimbabwe in an unprecedented crisis that opened flood-gates for easy external infiltration.
As part of furthering the pursuit of decoloniality, Zimbabwe must be re-imagined beyond the confines of Westphalian and Berlin Consensus discourses of centralized states that were imposed by force on society ala the colonial state. Zimbabwe is ripe to enter a genuine decoloniality route that involves a deliberate the drive towards devolution of power as an opportunity to re-model inherited colonial power structures and governance structures that do not enable Zimbabwe space to fully govern themselves at the local level.
Zimbabwe is as great country that must be ashamed on continuing colonial ways of governing its people. The constitution-making was a great missed opportunity where Zimbabweans could have genuinely embarked on state reconstitution and thorough decolonisation of this inherited political formation. Devolution of power is just but a beginning of a journey towards resolution of the national question involving further decolonization the state; indigenization of power and further democratisation of practices and styles of governance.
While what COPAC has put together into draft constitution might not be what was expected by some constituencies among us, the referendum must be allowed to go ahead to bring this constitution-making to an end. What the leaders must ensure during the referendum is zero-tolerance for violence. The referendum will be a test-case for the level of preparedness of Zimbabwe for national elections next year.
Everything is possible for Zimbabwe if our present leaders genuinely seek to soft land this great nation. The courage that propelled Zimbabweans to fight the liberation struggle must now be deployed to democratise the state, socialise power and this can be done if we dedicate our collective efforts to face our history, seek truth, accountability, forgiveness, reconciliation, and healing.
Our violent past has become hindrance to political progress and this cannot be allowed to remain like this before it compromises the future of the next generation. It is possible to transcend our ugly past, only if we commit ourselves to openness about the wrongs we have done. Such priceless gestures as apologies work wonders for those committed to build nations comprised of various people of different ethnic and racial backgrounds.
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